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Silius asserted that hatreds and accusations, enmity and injustice were favored, so that, just as virulent diseases brought rewards to the physician, the corruption of the forum would bring money to the accuser Asinius, M.
Messala, L. Arruntius, and M. Aeserninus and their uncorrupted lives and eloquence, incorrupta vita et facundia. Here as elsewhere Hist. Silius gained much support in the senate and a resolution was being drafted to punish offenders of the law with a charge of extortion.
Threatened by the success of Silius, Cossutianus Capito and Suillius appealed to the princeps Ann. Suillius and Cossutianus argued for the need to reimburse advocates Ironically, the delatores, who were the most ruthless prosecutors, appealed to the right of the accused to be defended properly against the potentes.
After citing two rabble-rousers of the Late Republic, Suillius and Cossutianus attempted to cast themselves as moderate, peace-loving citizens, The informers argued that if rewards were prohibited, then the art of oratory too would perish.
Claudius compromised and fixed a maximum fee, ten thousand sesterces, and for those violating it, a charge of extortion The monetary and professional gains won through delatio ensured that the practice would continue, as it did under practically every princeps in one form or another.
The excesses of delatores under Tiberius and Nero are infamous, but Tacitus also indicates that delatio had existed even under Augustus, arising out of his oppressive legislation, which placed many households at the mercy of the informers Ann.
Delatio even thrived in the short reign of Vitellius, whose henchmen Caecina Alienus and Fabius Valens had seized the houses, gardens, and wealth of the empire, leaving many poverty-stricken Hist.
Vespasian, though reluctant at first, finally succumbed to such tactics 2. His lieutenant Mucianus confiscated property liberally to fund the civil war.
Accusers came out everywhere to confiscate money, which might have been a necessity of war, but the confiscations continued mercilessly even during peacetime 2.
From time to time delatores fell victim to retribution by the same tactics they employed, an indication of the lack of fides on the part of both the delatores and their patrons the principes.
The nature of their work, which required them to make many enemies, made life dangerous. Often it was only a matter of time before political power shifted and a delator might find himself the target of another delator.
Delatores were thus more harmful to each other than the senatorial backlashes that manifested themselves at the beginning of the regimes of Vespasian and Nerva.
More often delatores were condemned by the same means with which they had brought about the demise of others. Tacitus relishes the opportunity to record the details when a formerly powerful delator fell from grace.
He adds that Tiberius was accustomed to bring to ruin his ministers of crime once they had served his purposes.
The case of the delator Sextius Paconianus furnishes the promised example 6. Paconianus was a daring evildoer who pried into the secrets of everyone; Sejanus had recruited Paconianus as an agent in his plot against Gaius Caligula.
Once Tiberius expressed his displeasure with Paconianus, the senators erupted with long-standing hatred.
Paconianus saved himself, however, by resorting to familiar means, turning informer once again. As for Paconianus, he would be strangled for verses he had written against the princeps while in prison; Tacitus does not tell us how he got there 6.
Tarquitius would later be condemned for extortion By highlighting the demise of delatores, Tacitus reveals their ruthlessness, extremism, and willingness to destroy others along with themselves.
The first is the career of the delator P. Suillius Rufus; the second is the trial of C. These two cases will show on the one hand how delatio influenced the career of a Roman senator, and on the other how delatio worked in a particular trial.
Suillius Rufus P. Suillius Rufus appears first in book 4 of the Annales, where Tacitus recounts his exile by Tiberius Ann.
Suillius had been quaestor under Germanicus and perhaps the attack on him was motivated by his connections to the now dead Caesar.
Tiberius, however, stepped in to deliver a more severe penalty, deportation to an island, which he believed necessary for the sake of the state e re publica.
Unlike Agricola and others, such as M. Lepidus, Thrasea Paetus, and Domitius Corbulo, who served the res publica, Suillius used his talents and connections for his own personal gain and to the detriment of others and the state 4.
Suillius next appears in the Claudian books, back from exile and exercising his potentia to attack the enemies of the regime as Tacitus presaged Ann.
He had distinguished himself under the reign of Claudius, even reaching the consulship in the mid-forties. Claudius moderated the charge of maiestas, the scourge of the senate under Tiberius Dio Nevertheless, Suillius showed himself adept at attacking the political enemies of the regime with other accusations, such as revolution and adultery.
The legalities were inconsequential. Valerius Asiaticus, who had played a leading role in the assassination of Gaius Caligula. Asiaticus had recovered politically from his role as tyrannicide; he had even accompanied Claudius to Britain and went on to become consul ordinarius in 46 his first consulship having been a suffectus in Much, however, had changed in the year since his consulship.
Tacitus suggests that Asiaticus was accused because he was very wealthy and Messalina coveted the gardens of Lucullus in his possession She also used Asiaticus to destroy Poppaea Sabina, her rival, on a charge of adultery.
AJ Suillius and Sosibius exploited the weakness of their princeps to achieve their ends. In his advice to Claudius, Sosibius encouraged him to use violence, vis, which characterizes the behavior of the Principate throughout the entire affair.
Tacitus structures this episode as another instance of the princeps waging war against Romans. Vitellius, Claudius, and Messalina, Suillius charged him with corruption of the military, adultery with Poppaea, and effeminacy Ann.
The powerful adulator L. With a defender like Vitellius, Claudius did not need a prosecutor. Although the choice of suicide gave a Roman some control over fate, victims such as Asiaticus were not choosing suicide the way M.
Cato Uticensis did; they were being forced to commit suicide. Imperial ideology, moreover, dictated a greater application of clementia, namely sparing the life of a condemned individual.
Its usage in this passage is deeply ironic. Asiaticus, having been granted the clementia of Claudius, spent his final hours exercising and dining.
He then lamented that he did not perish by the cunning of Tiberius or the violence of Gaius, rather than through womanly deceit and the shamelessness of Vitellius Ann.
He then attended to his funeral pyre and opened his veins. Such was the vaunted clemency of the Caesars. Suillius did not stop with Asiaticus.
In the senate, he accused two Roman equites, each with the cognomen Petra and presumably brothers Ann.
Their unspoken crime was providing their house as a place of rendezvous to Mnester and Poppaea; the published crime was a dream by one of the brothers that vaguely presaged ill for the princeps.
The punishment was death. Still not sated by these convictions, Suillius, continuus et saevus, carried on his accusations The ranks of informers increased because many realized the rewards that could be won under Claudius, who concentrated in himself all the functions of the laws and magistrates, thereby creating an opportunity for the plunderer Nonetheless, the system of government, which placed power in one individual, provided the environment for abuses by others, such as delatores like Suillius, who might prey upon the fears and weaknesses of the princeps for their own gain.
By railing against such abuses, Tacitus reveals to us an important facet of his political thought: an intense opposition to autocracy, the same impulse that founded the Republic.
Following the debate on the lex Cincia Ann. Tacitus describes Suillius as being terribilis and venalis, for which he had earned the hatred of many The usage of venalis recalls the earlier passages where Tacitus uses the same word of Suillius 4.
Tacitus also styles him as possessing a ferocia animi His downfall appears to have stemmed from a quarrel with Seneca, whom he attacked for his wealth and influence Suillius had made many enemies, and there was no lack of accusers He was charged with extortion during his proconsulship of Asia.
Pomponius, Julia daughter of Drusus, Valerius Asiaticus, Poppaea Sabina, Lusius Saturninus, and Cornelius Lupus He tried to claim that he was merely following orders, a defense quickly brushed aside by Nero, who exonerated his father Claudius In the end, Suillius was forced to forfeit half his estate and endure exile on the Balearic Islands; his family was spared Suillius had fallen by the same means he had risen.
The Case of C. Silius Although individual delatores may have fallen from favor occasionally, more often than not principes stood by their informers, as seen in the trial of C.
He had held the consulship in 13 and had been a legate of Upper Germany from 14 to 21 1. As legate, Silius aroused suspicions by boasting that his troops had remained loyal to Tiberius while others had mutinied 4.
Silius might have expected to be rewarded for such loyalty, but he became another example of the Principate removing and executing its most successful commanders.
The benefits Silius enjoyed while he was useful were exchanged for hatred when he became expendable 4.
The consul L. Visellius Varro was chosen to lead the prosecution while Tiberius presided. When Silius asked for an adjournment until Varro had stepped down from the consulship, Tiberius forcefully intervened Ann.
He declared that it was customary for magistrates to prosecute private citizens and that the rights of the consuls, upon whose vigilance the security of the state depended, ought not to be infringed lest the state come to some harm ne quod res publica detrimentum caperet.
This statement, perhaps spoken sincerely by Tiberius, is irony-laden as Tacitus writes it. The words themselves recall Sallust and the Catilinarian conspiracy: senatus decrevit, darent operam consules ne quid res publica detrimenti caperet Cat.
Tacitus has placed Varro in the role of Cicero and Silius in the position of Catiline. The scene evokes another event during the conspiracy of Catiline: the trial of L.
Licinius Murena. The primary distinction between the cases of Silius and Murena is that Cicero used his consular auctoritas to defend Murena, while Varro used his to destroy Silius.
Although the pair was guilty of extortion, the case proceeded as a maiestas trial. Faced with the charge of treason, Silius committed suicide before the senate reached its verdict.
Tacitus adds that this was the first time that Tiberius took an interest in the money to be gained by condemnation Ann.
The entire passage, however, underlines the danger of delatio and its sanctioning by the princeps. Silius had been a powerful senator, but he was no match for the triumvirate of Varro, Sejanus, and Tiberius.
Amid this darkness, however, Tacitus finds some light in the person of M. Aemilius Lepidus. Aemilius Lepidus, whom Tacitus consistently portrays as mitigating the severity of the Principate.
While other consulars, such as L. Visellius Varro and Asinius Gallus Ann. Lepidus is the only individual on whom Tacitus genuinely bestows the descriptive sapiens.
To demonstrate his point, Tacitus contrasts Lepidus with Cotta Messalinus, who was infamous for his attack on the memory of Libo Drusus Ann.
Messalinus was equal to Lepidus in ancestry, but his inferior when it came to character 4. Lepidus did come from a distinguished family, which, like many under the early empire, experienced both favor and persecution.
His father, Paullus Aemilius Lepidus, was proscribed in 43 BCE, but survived to become consul in 34 BCE and censor in 22 BCE.
Aemilius Paullus, married Julia, granddaughter of Augustus, before he was charged with conspiracy and executed in CE 8 Suet. Aemilius Lepidus, a nephew of M.
When Augustus died, Lepidus was legate in Hispania Tarraconensis with its three legions 2. Lepidus is introduced very early in the Annales as one of the senators whom Augustus believed to be a possible rival to Tiberius Ann.
Arruntius, and Cn. In addition to C. Silius, he had defended Cn. Piso in 20, whom most others had deserted Ann.
Clutorius had previously written a well-circulated poem mourning the death of Germanicus, for which Tiberius handsomely remunerated him 3.
A number of years later when Drusus Caesar became sick, Clutorius wrote another poem with the intention of winning another reward from Tiberius.
Unfortunately for Clutorius, Drusus recovered from his ailment. The consul designate, Haterius Agrippa, motioned for the ultimum supplicium against Clutorius.
The oration of Lepidus in support of clemency for Clutorius is the first in the Annales in oratio recta by someone outside the imperial family Ann.
In his speech, Lepidus applied Republican standards to the actions of Clutorius, arguing to keep dicta and maleficia separate, unlike the Principate, which elided the distinction between words and actions 1.
Its failure to do so revealed the gulf between propaganda and reality. Tacitus thus presents Lepidus as wisely playing upon Tiberian propaganda.
Tiberius celebrated the virtue of clementia on a shield, which might have been dedicated in this year.
In the end, Lepidus proposed the punishment of interdictio, as if Clutorius were charged with maiestas Ann.
If maiestas was the charge, then it should not entail death but exile. In Sallust, both Caesar nefaria facinora, Cat. The phrase periculum rei publicae occurs only here in Tacitus Ann.
Although Lepidus might be worthy of comparison with Caesar and Cato, Clutorius Priscus, as with the case of C.
Silius Ann. Unlike Catiline, Clutorius was not a revolutionary and did not threaten the security of the state.
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Matter for many riders. Some riders do not feel the necessity to use them and consider them an unnecessary attachment, while some cannot imagine functioning without them.
What is the Reality? In case you decide to use a rug, which would be suitable for your horse? However, we need to note that horses functioning in horse riding don't have the exact same functioning conditions since the horses residing in their natural habitat.
First of all, horses training under the saddle are often shaven, which impacts their natural protective coating against low temperatures.
Most time when it's cold outdoors, these horses spend indoors, where they are not subject to low temperatures. The matter of another diet is crucial here.
This is precisely why we cannot expect them to have the immunity that their free brothers have. While altering the horses' customs and environment, we will need to provide them with protection against the negative effects of e.
For that very reason we have various types of rugs. Which type would be useful for your horse and when to use it?
In: Hegi G. Illustrierte Flora von Mitteleuropa, 2. Albers F. Haussknechtia, 7: Argenti C. Lasen C. Rovereto, Sez. Arietti N. Dalla scoperta alla ricostruzione dell'areale.
Natura Bresciana, Bachmann S. Becherer A. Bauhinia, 5 3 : Bauhinia, 5 4 : Bojko H. Eine neue Sippe aus den Dolomiten.
Bolzon P. Nota IV. Nuovo Giorn. Nota VIII. Nota X. Bona E. Museo Civico Rovereto. Bosin B. Der Schlern, Bottega S. Boraginaceae in Italia. Revisione biosistematica.
Webbia, Braun-Blanquet J. Von der Provence bis zur Steiermark. Fischer, Stuttgart. Dalla Torre K. Innsbruck, Damboldt J. Desfayes M.
Dunkel F. Gredleriana, 5 : Favarger C. Festi F. Studi Trentini Scienze Naturali, Atti Acc. Agiati, Fill J. Florineth F.
Gottschlich G. Gregor T. Rollik J. Greimler J. Hermanowski B. Guiggi A. Lobivia silvestrii Riv. Rowley Cactaceae nell'Italia settentrionale: aspetti tassonomici, biologici e corologici.
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Handel-Mazzetti Hermann, Das Florenbild der Deutschgegend am Nonsberg. Schlern-Schriften, Handel-Mazzetti Hermann, Zur floristischen Erforschung von Tirol und Vorarlberg, VIII.
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